by Kaeden B (San Antonio DSA, Reform & Revolution) and Tom J (Twin Ports DSA, Libertarian Socialist Caucus) respond to Groundwork on whether DSA should endorse AOC for Congress and under what conditions.
Published a day in advance of NYC-DSA’s re-endorsement forum, an article in Groundwork’s newsletter “Building Up” argues that the chapter must issue an endorsement of Congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez in the 2026 cycle, almost entirely on the basis of her potential as a candidate for president in 2028. It argues implicitly that NYC-DSA should overlook Ocasio-Cortez’s past missteps on the IHRA definition of antisemitism and her vocal support for funding the Iron Dome because of her value as a candidate in 2028. In our view, an unconditional endorsement in 2026 will not preserve or repair the relationship between Ocasio-Cortez and DSA. The endorsement forum calls the question: will our strongest chapter use its power? We believe NYC-DSA is obliged to try.
While Groundwork’s article never raises the question of a conditional endorsement directly, they refer repeatedly to the fact that Ocasio-Cortez is moveable on issues that matter to DSA in a way other probable presidential contenders are not. What goes unstated is the mechanism of action which would convince the Congresswoman to actually move. In fact, they imply she is not immediately moveable:
“We will not have the strength necessary to force electeds to reckon with our organized demands if we refuse to get involved in these types of races. We are materialists: we understand politicians have to respond to practical interests. We as DSA can not rely on loyalty or ideology alone- we must instead be able to dictate the operating conditions of politics itself.
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Unlike the potential Chi Osse congressional race against Hakeem Jeffries, AOC is not in a situation where she needs DSA to be the primary driver of her campaign in 2026. But we could still be a tremendous asset in a tough race, priming her to coordinate and rely on us in a more substantial way come the 2028 primary.
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The strategic case is clear- to prepare the nation-wide socialist movement for 2028, NYC-DSA must endorse AOC in 2026.”
In short, the Congresswoman doesn’t need us now, but she will in two years. To Groundwork, this means we should not attempt to enforce the endorsement requirements established by Resolution 22, passed at last year’s DSA Convention. There is no expectation that Ocasio-Cortez will play anything other than a passive role in the relationship between her office and our organization. Only DSA “failing to endorse” can upend that relationship.
In reality, further support for Israeli military aid by the Congresswoman during her fifth term in Congress would work actively to widen her existing rift with DSA and the growing anti-Israel majority. If NYC-DSA endorses Ocasio-Cortez for the House without securing a public commitment to oppose the IHRA definition and support a complete arms embargo, then they are signaling unconditional support for her 2028 candidacy. This practice of unconditional support is the precise cause of the current rift. When candidates are not told what DSA members expect from their campaigns, we can only blame ourselves for the resulting errors. New York City members may be hesitant to risk the possibility that the Congresswoman will refuse a straightforward request to abide by DSA’s endorsement standards, and they may be willing to accept the compromises which necessarily follow from an unconditional endorsement, but Ocasio-Cortez will not be able to rely solely on NYC-DSA to support her bid for the presidency. The 2026 endorsement, correctly analyzed as a proxy for the 2028 endorsement, must be viewed through a national political lens.
If, as Groundwork argues, Ocasio-Cortez can be moved to support a complete arms embargo against Israel, then DSA must make every effort to move her to this position immediately, before further damage can be done and in time to repair her reputation in the eyes of DSA’s full membership. Ocasio-Cortez knows as well as we do that this endorsement is really about the organization’s approach to her 2028 candidacy. Whatever leverage the organization can expect to possess in two years, we can exercise today. It would be unconscionable to implicitly endorse a position we do not support to preserve leverage we never intend to use, and it would lead directly to further unnecessary conflicts with our most prominent endorsee.
The upcoming endorsement forum provides the mechanism of action which can convince the Congresswoman to actually move. Rationing access to elected officials is one of primary mechanisms by which voters, advocacy organizations, and journalists are disciplined by the American political establishment. Between reelection campaigns, our ability to speak to and make demands of high profile endorsees relies on the good graces of the member in question, and no mechanism exists to bring the leverage DSA nominally possesses to bear. The endorsement process is the only point at which they are obliged to come to us, answer our questions, and ask for our support. If Ocasio-Cortez sticks to her past statements on funding the Iron Dome during a 2028 presidential campaign, she risks alienating the growing majority of Americans (and the supermajority of Democrats) who have soured on the U.S.-Israeli relationship or, worse, partially reversing the existing trend toward pro-Palestine sentiments among her base. But if NYC-DSA uses this brief window, it can extract meaningful concessions. A conditional endorsement premised on a public commitment to oppose the IHRA definition and support a complete arms embargo is the only plausible path to a 2028 candidacy compatible with DSA’s commitment to Palestinian liberation. It is better for all parties if those conditions are laid out sooner rather than later.
In solidarity,
Kaeden B, San Antonio DSA, R&R
Tom J, Twin Ports DSA, LSC
Signed articles do not necessarily represent the collective position of Reform & Revolution.
