The Ultimate DSA Convention Voting Guide 

I. Constitutional and Bylaws Changes

Summary and R&R Comment

C/B Change #1: Democratize DSA 2023

➪ from SMC, endorsed by R&R

Expand the National Political Committee to 51 (including 3 YDSA representatives) and expand the Steering Committee (SC) to 13.

R&R Comment: A good proposal to strengthen the elected national leadership and have more input from members. While not as strong as the National Delegates Council, it is a positive reform worth voting for. We believe it will help address the dysfunction in the national DSA leadership, make debates on the NPC more transparent, allow a more representative NPC that includes more of the diverse views within DSA, and create a more functional SC to act as an accountable executive of the NPC.

C/B Amendment A: Direct Election of the Steering Committee by the

Convention

Elect the Steering Committee (SC) by the Convention.

R&R Comment: We believe the SC should be strictly subordinate to the NPC, with the NPC having full authority over the SC. We believe the SC should be elected by the NPC and should serve at the pleasure of the NPC, being subject to recall if a majority of the NPC believes it is not carrying out its will. The movers of this amendment also intend to limit the powers of the SC, but in our view the effect of this amendment would be to actually strengthen the authority of the SC. If there is a conflict between the SC and the NPC, the SC can claim an equal democratic mandate as the NPC if it was also elected directly by the Convention.

However, this is a secondary question; we support the NPC expansion if this amendment is adopted or as we prefer, if the amendment is rejected. Crucially this amendment does not change the language in C/B #1 that the NPC has the ability to recall and change the composition of the SC at any time with a simple majority vote. 

C/B Change #2: Strengthening Democracy by Increasing Member Input and Creating a National Delegates Council

➪ from R&R + MUG

Create a body of elected delegates of the chapters and at-large members that can meet and hold the NPC accountable between the National Convention (which only meets every 2 years).

R&R Comment: We put forward this proposal with Marxist Unity Group, and recommend a strong yes vote. It will help to increase the cohesion of DSA and expand our ability to organize national campaigns.The NDC would bring together DSA leaders to exchange experience, spread best practices, coordinate national campaigns, and discuss common problems. It would also help the NPC to be more effective by being able to bring proposals for national initiatives to the NDC, and if NDC delegates are convinced they can then bring proposals back into their chapters. 

This proposal will also greatly expand democracy in DSA,  helping to hold the NPC accountable in between the national conventions, with the NDC able to overturn NPC decisions. It would also fill NPC vacancies (rather than the current system where the NPC itself fills vacancies) and could recall NPC members with a super majority of at least 60% of the NDC.

The authors of the NDC proposal submitted some small changes to the final version of the NDC proposal. The Resolutions and Platform committee accepted some, but chose not to accept two lines about weighted voting (which would make chapter representation proportional and accurate. Without this change, smaller chapters are over represented). At the beginning of the convention we will make a motion to add the weighted voting amendment adding weighted voting in to give delegates a chance to debate and vote on it. Please sign this pledge to support adding it to the agenda

II. National Committee Consensus Resolutions

Summary and R&R Comment

Consensus Resolution #1: Building Tenant Power and Organization (Housing Justice Commission)

The work of the national Housing Justice Commission will focus on developing Tenant Unions.

R&R comment: The housing crisis is among the severest problems facing the US working class, and organizing to solve it should be a key priority of DSA. However, this resolution has a narrow focus on building tenant unions that lacks a political or electoral strategy, which we would characterize as anti-political or syndicalist. This approach has not been particularly successful at building toward a fundamental change. There are good examples of tenant organizing in NYC and Houston which can be learned from, and we should engage with tenant unions where we can, but this needs to be paired with a political (that means generalized) struggle for affordable housing, for publicly owned social housing under tenant control, and for taxing the rich and corporations to pay for it. DSAʼs housing campaigns deserve more attention – and a broader approach that includes politics and electoral work.

Consensus Resolution #2: Green New Deal Campaign Commission: 2023 Green New Deal Campaign Commission Priority Resolution

Voting recommendation: Move to refer the motion to the incoming National Political Committee or abstain

Continue the work of the Green New Deal Campaign Commission (GNDCC). It confirms the GNDCC as a body involved in electoral and all other work.

R&R comment: Climate justice and a just transition (a transition to a carbon neutral economy based on justice  for workers and marginalized communities) are key fields for DSA. However, the GNDCC does not sufficiently outline a political strategy, key demands, etc. in this resolution for DSA to nationally work together on. The reference to the Building for Power campaign might be promising (as there have been good campaigns for example in New York). However, given the importance of this work and the lack of inspiring proposals and campaigns presented by this committee to the National Convention, this should be tabled to the new NPC to work with the GNDCC on redrafting.

Consensus Resolution #3: Growth and Development Committee: GDC 2023 Convention Resolution

Outlines a technical approach to use resources to educate DSA organizers and improve our organizational practices. Projects linear growth to 200,000 members in five years. Resolves to continue the matching funds program for chapter local offices, aiming to finally expand it to helping chapters hire staff as voted on at the 2021 Convention.

R&R comment: The 20% fall in DSAʼs membership since Biden took office has been caused by a combination of political and organizational problems. But the political problems are paramount – without presenting a clear, independent vision that excites people and distinguishes us from nonprofits and the two parties, no technical fixes will be enough. From 2016 to 2020 DSA was even worse organized than today, but it grew rapidly nevertheless because it succeeded in politically inspiring a layer of youth and workers radicalized by Bernie and Trump.

With Biden in power it is vital we have a sharp oppositional stance towards the Democrats, as opposed to the policy of loyal opposition DSA Congressmembers have adopted. This needs to be paired with a movement building and class struggle approach, and a high socialist profile. We need to offer an alternative to right-wing Republicans and Wall Street Democrats via lively campaigns with a high national profile. 

None of that can be found in this proposal. This is a technical outline that would be helpful in the right political framework. But the resolution reinforces a damaging tendency in DSA of ignoring  our decline since Biden took office. There is not a single mention in the resolution of the fall in membership or any attempt to analyze why this has happened. The whole resolution should be rejected; then the incoming NPC together with the GDC can reframe it in a political context and allocate the resources needed on that basis.

Consensus Resolution Amendment A: Give our 1% for the 99 Percent

(Amendment to CR #3 Growth and Development Committee) 

➪ from Groundwork

Ask for voluntary monthly dues of 1% of annual income. 

R&R comment: This amendment would encourage comrades to increase their dues to an income-based level, which would substantially increase our revenue. Income-based dues are a historical mainstay in socialist organizing. If this is connected to inspiring DSA projects that politically motivate our members to step up their commitment to DSA, it would eliminate the current financial deficit DSA faces.

Consensus Resolution Amendment B: State of DSA Reports and At-Large

Member Program (Amendment to CR #3 Growth and Development Committee) 

➪ from Red Star

Improves GDC Consensus resolution with specific information the GDC will collect and report on, and action steps the GDC will take based on that. Opens up the GDC to more members.

R&R comment: Unfortunately, this amendment accepts the non-political approach of the GDC Consensus Resolution. However, it improves the functioning of the GDC and increases its accessibility to members, along with asking key questions as to how we engage at-large members.

Consensus Resolution #4: International Committee: Consensus Resolution from DSA International Committee

Voting recommendation: Without amendments: abstain; with amendments: yes

DSA should become a member of the Progressive International. Changes DSAʼs National Platform to include: “End US military aid to all governments” (before: “End US military aid to repressive governments”). 

R&R comment: There are increasing inter-imperialist tensions and a war in the Ukraine, where US involvement is increasing. Our elected officials are trailing Bidenʼs agenda with all DSA Congressmembers voting to expand NATO and for every bill to fund the US military intervention in the Ukraine war. DSA endorsed Congressmember Bowman voted for funding the Israeli military (and AOC abstained). Unfortunately none of that is dealt with in this resolution. Instead of using the National Convention to discuss and develop DSAʼs policies as an internationalist, anti-imperialist  force, the IC proposes a resolution focused on continuing its work (without a balance sheet, without an outline of future work) without addressing the most important international question of the moment.  

Consensus Resolution Amendment C: For a Class-Struggle Internationalism

(Amendment to CR #4 International Committee) 

➪ from B&R

Takes an anti-campist stance;  adds language about “meeting and building relationships with a diverse array of left parties and movements in other countries, not just leading or ruling parties”, adds: “as consistent anti-imperialists and internationalists, our starting point for establishing solidarity is the rights of workers and peoples and not the balance of geopolitical power or the nominal political identities of different governments,” and rejects “imperialist interventions that claim to support democracy or workersʼ movements through broad-based economic sanctions and military intervention, intelligence operations, or state funding of opposition groups.”

R&R comment: Significant improvement to the resolution. 

Consensus Resolution Amendment D: Socialist Anti-Militarism and the War in Ukraine (Amendment to CR #4 International Committee)

➪  from R&R + MUG

In the light of the war in Ukraine, this resolution reaffirms our stance to abolish NATO, to withdraw all US-troops from abroad, to end US military aid to the pro-NATO, anti-worker Ukrainian government; calls for building solidarity with the left in Russia and Ukraine and for DSA to play an active role in building a peace movement; and asks our elected officials to represent DSA positions and end their support for the Biden administrationʼs war policies.

R&R comment: This amendment provides desperately needed clarity for DSAʼs public stance on the brutal Russian invasion and the militaristic response by the US/NATO. It sets out clear expectations for our elected officials. A clear anti-imperialist stance is needed, based on an independent, internationalist working-class position – not in support for any “camp” or side and with an eye to the main enemy US socialists  are confronted with and can fight: US imperialism.

Consensus Resolution #5:  National Labor Commission: Our Role in a Resurgent Labor Movement

Proposal to continue the work of the NLC with a focus on

• organizing within existing unions with a class struggle approach, critical of todayʼs moderate labor leaders
• organizing in new areas with EWOC
• building DSAʼs abilities and involvement in labor
• a vision for union democracy

R&R comment: Overall the tone of this resolution is better (more critical) about the union bureaucracy, business unionism and labor liberalism (compared to the previous conventionʼs resolution on labor), though  it does not name these forces. It has a bit of an edge against prioritizing good relations with existing labor leaders over the needs of the class struggle. The program for labor democracy needs significant improvements. It correctly welcomes the election of reform leaderships in the UAW and Teamsters, but lacks an independent socialist approach to them (supporting them in every step forward they take, openly criticizing them for any backsliding, and being clear that our strategic priority is building an independent rank and file base for class struggle unionism as opposed to relying on reform leaders to deliver for us).

Consensus Resolution Amendment E: For a DSA Ready to Move in the Labor

Movement (Amendment to CR #5 National Labor Commission) 

➪ from Groundwork

Replaces a call for paid NLC co-chairs with language which reads “the NLC and DSA national leadership should explore the provision of stipends or other compensation for national committee chairs, including the two NLC co-chairs.” It also adds good general language about solidarity between unions, more information about our membership structure in relation to unions.

R&R comment: Useful side points are added – which no one in DSA would object to – but the main significance of the amendment is removing the proposal to make the two NLC co-chairs full-time staff and instead leave it to the incoming NPC to decide whether to allocate stipends. Given the importance of developing DSAʼs labor work, we should prioritize the funds to have the NLC leadership be full-time staff to have the capacity to fully focus on this vital work. Vote No to reject this proposal to block the staff resources that are needed to seriously develop our Labor work.  

Consensus Resolution Amendment F: Local EWOC NLC Amendment

(Amendment to CR #5 National Labor Commission)

➪ from Communist Caucus

Establishing local EWOC structures.

R&R comment: EWOC has been one of the successful efforts of DSA over the last years. The amendment aims to build local structures.

Consensus Resolution Amendment G: Our Program for Union Democracy

(Amendment to CR #5 National Labor Commission)
➪ from R&R

This amendment adds vital points to the vision for union democracy sketched out in the resolution, defines more clearly DSA relationship with union leaders and especially reform leaders, and adds some points on the importance of building support for explicitly socialist politics within the labor movement.

R&R comment:  Formally, there is a lot of agreement in DSA about a rank-and-file strategy and class struggle unionism. However, after voting for such phrases, thereʼs not much agreement on what we mean. This amendment aims to offer more clarity: Fighting for democracy in unions is more than ratifying a contract by membership vote after it has been negotiated. A single yes or no vote is not enough to empower members and offer them democratic routes to shape their workplace. A conscious approach of class struggle unionism should clarify in more detail what the role of socialists in our workplaces can be. We have political alternatives to business unionism and labor liberalism – we should present them tactfully but clearly and openly.  The amendment also sketches out how DSA members in the UAW and Teamsters should relate to the new reform leadership of these unions. It welcomes their election while explaining an independent socialist policy towards them – supporting them in every step forward they take, openly criticizing them for any backsliding, and being clear that our strategic priority is building an independent rank and file base for class struggle unionism. This amendment helps to challenge the tendency towards “tail-endism” in DSA’s labor work, for example trailing behind (reform) union leaders uncritically, and too often seeing our role as only acting as cheerleaders and supporters of unions. We fully agree with DSA emphasizing our solidarity and support for union struggles as a starting point, but this should not be our end point. Our job as socialists is to help build an organized rank and file movement for class struggle unionism that can challenge all tendencies towards class collaboration and as part of that build a socialist leadership of the workers movement. 

Consensus Resolution Amendment H: We are Workers: DSA in a Resurgent

Labor Movement (Amendment to CR #5 National Labor Commission)
➪ from Groundwork

Removes the (already limited) language that says DSA “rejects a strategy that prioritizes building relationships within the union establishment.” Weakens our focus on Labor Notes; has some useful additions on importance of mass unionization campaigns and other smaller improvements.

R&R comment: The politics of this amendment would weaken DSAʼs opposition to the union bureaucracy, and instead facilitate the tendency to uncritically follow behind the existing (very often class collaborationist) union leaders. 

In support of the amendment, comrades argue that especially smaller chapters would have to work with union leadership. However, the text they want to strike does not stop or argue against working with union leaders, especially reform or left wing leaders. It makes a political argument to prioritize building links with the rank and file. In the context of the resolution, it is clear that the term “establishment” is not a formal one (“union leaders”) but a political term (“business unionists and labor liberals”).

The amendment also de-emphasizes DSA working with Labor Notes. While socialists can play a big role in further improving Labor Notes to emphasize class struggle unionism and address  political issues in the labor movement (such as unions slavish support for corporate Democrats), we agree with the original language prioritizing DSA working with Labor Notes as it represents the actual left wing of the union movement and offers space for the self-organization of thousands of left wing workers in the US today.

Consensus Resolution #6: National Electoral Committee: 2023 Consensus Resolution

Voting recommendation: Depends on which amendments pass

Making electoral politics a priority for the next 2 years; repetition of previous resolutions  to build a working-class party contesting state power. Puts a “break” in algebraic formulations that are generally accepted but mean little: “DSA will continue to pursue an approach of tactically contesting partisan elections on the Democratic ballot line and other lines where viable; and …  DSA, through the NEC, will develop programs and strategies to establish operational independence from the Democratic Party.” Contains a lot of technical stuff of renaming the National Electoral Committee (NEC) and how it works. 

R&R comment: Thereʼs a lack of political content in this resolution (a running theme with all the consensus resolutions, with the exception of the Labor resolution). There is no mention of the major challenges and debates DSA has faced over its electoral work since Biden and the Democrats took power. There is no acknowledgement or assessment of DSA endorsed candidates voting to fund the Israeli military, ban a railway strike, expand NATO, fund the US military intervention in the Ukraine war, elect corporate Democrat Hakeem Jeffries leader of the House Democrats, and giving an early and uncritical endorsement of Joe Biden in the 2024 Presidential election. There is no acknowledgement, much less any conclusions drawn, that the DSA Congressmembers primary public profile is as members of the Progressive Caucus and have not formed a Socialist Caucus. There is no discussion of the experience of the most developed area of DSA electoral work in NYC – lessons, strengths, but also challenges and debates.

The resolution states: “Whereas, there is a strong desire in DSA to demonstrate and practice class independence by running electoral campaigns that emphasize that our candidates are the products of working-class movements and that they explicitly stand against capitalism as socialists.” Unfortunately, that is not in any way sufficiently followed up in the BE IT RESOLVED part. 

Consensus Resolution Amendment I: Act Like an Independent Party

(Amendment to CR #6 National Electoral Committee)
➪ from B&R

Strengthening efforts to build toward political independence, running candidates as “democratic socialists” and to build a political alternative to the Republicans and Democrats.

R&R comment: a good amendment that points towards putting the “break” back into the “dirty break”. 

Consensus Resolution Amendment J: Congressional Democratic Socialist

Caucus (Amendment to CR #6 National Electoral Committee) 

➪ from Advance DSA

Increases accountability of elected officials and moves electoral work toward class struggle elections by establishing  a Congressional Democratic Socialist Caucus and a Federal Socialists in Office Committee; Wants electeds to promote DSAʼs agenda against neoliberal and conservative ideologies.

R&R comment: Excellent amendment which we strongly support. DSA has had multiple endorsed members in Congress since 2019 and over that whole time all of them have made the Progressive Caucus their primary political home. It is past time that the endorsed DSA members in Congress form a distinct caucus which projects a clear socialist brand and politics onto the stage of national politics and Congressional debates. 

A key task of socialist electoral politics is to help clarify for big sections of workers that socialist politics is different from progressive politics, and a far better expression of their interests. This does not mean in any way that socialists should not collaborate and work together with progressives on the many issues we agree on. But we should work together on an independent basis, advancing our own socialist message rather than liquidating our politics into a broader progressive movement. 

Taking this step would be an essential part of building towards independence of the Democrats even where socialists run on the ballot line of that party. It is also a vital measure to begin building real democratic accountability between socialists in office and DSA.

Consensus Resolution Amendment K: Endorse Ranked Choice Voting

(Amendment to CR #6 National Electoral Committee)

DSA will campaign for and support initiatives for Proportional Representation and Ranked-Choice-Voting.

R&R comment: We support Proportional Representation (PR) as a democratic reform. This amendment mentions PR but its focus is on Rank Choice Voting (RCV). RCV is often presented as essential for overcoming the two-party system. Unfortunately, that is not true. On some occasions, a polarized election actually helps socialists, on other occasions it might be the other way around. DSA  should support RCV in specific situations where it will assist the Left. But we do not agree with making it a general priority of DSA as this amendment does. Instead, our priority should be class struggle elections and campaigns and supporting effective democratic reforms. 

Consensus Resolution Amendment L: Fighting the Right by Defending

Abortion Rights, Trans People, and Democracy (Amendment to CR #6 National Electoral Committee)

 ➪ from SMC

Emphasizes the need to fight for trans and reproductive rights.

R&R comment: Unfortunately, this proposal was moved from a general resolution into the framework of electoral work. It therefore lost some of its edge and potential to be expanded toward a more fighting campaign for trans liberation and reproductive rights. Nonetheless, we recommend voting yes because the struggle for trans liberation and reproductive justice is a key area of political debate in the US that is underrepresented at this Convention. We hope this proposal will be interpreted in the most ambitious sense, as the foundation for a national campaign for bodily autonomy and trans rights that brings together all aspects of DSA organizing and articulates a clear political division between the socialist movement for queer liberation on the one hand and liberal nonprofits and the Democratic Party on the other. 

Consensus Resolution Amendment M: No Endorsement for Joe Biden

(Amendment to CR #6 National Electoral Committee)

➪ from R&R

Affirms that DSA will not endorse Biden in the 2024 Presidential election, and formally asks our elected officials to do the same. An endorsement of any other candidate for President, or a call for tactical voting in swing states to block Trump, would require a national vote by the membership.

R&R comment: Over the next 1.5 years US politics and specifically electoral politics will be increasingly dominated by the 2024 presidential election. However, the NEC consensus resolution has no mention of this enormous topic, nor does it give any indication of what DSA should say or do in relation to it. Nor is there any guidance in the resolution for our DSA electeds on what we expect them to do. 

This amendment allows the Convention to begin answering these questions by deciding we will not endorse Joe Biden, and our elected officials should not endorse him either. DSA has been damaged by its electeds being associated with Biden. The Convention clearly announcing we will not be endorsing Biden would be an important step towards correcting this and beginning to present a more independent, combative profile.

We need our political independence to offer a real alternative to far-right Republicans by putting forward a clear working class agenda. Our ability to fight for a working class agenda is severely compromised however if we are associated with or even worse endorse Wall Street Democrats. The most important way to fight Trump and the Republicans is to build mass movements in the streets and independent working class power. We are open to DSA and DSA electeds also calling for voters in the minority of swing states to stop Trump by tactically voting for Biden (with no political support or illusions), but this would need to be fully discussed in DSA and agreed by a nationwide membership vote.

Consensus Resolution Amendment N: On the votes of DSA Congressmembers

to fund the Israeli military and ban a railway workers strike(Amendment to CR #6 National Electoral Committee)
➪ from R&R + MUG

Censure for Bowman for his votes to fund the Israeli military while he was a DSA endorsed Congressmember. This amendment also registers formal opposition to the vote by three DSA Congressmembers to ban the railway strike.  This amendment also establishes clear expectations going forward for all our elected officials that we expect them to never cross two red lines – voting for US military budgets or military aid to US proxy states like Israel, and voting to restrict the right to strike or other basic workers rights. 

R&R comment: Jamaal Bowmanʼs vote in favor of supporting the Israeli military and the vote of 3 of the 4 Congress members to ban a strike of railway workers triggered huge discussions in our organization. 

Unfortunately, the outgoing NPC did not handle those critical questions well. One argument that the NPC couldnʼt do much was that we had not communicated clear expectations to our elected officials in advance. This amendment will make those expectations clear moving forward, while taking a clear stand for basic socialist principles. 

The amendment also opens space beyond the two poles often presented to DSA members: We do not have to choose between expulsions and losing our members in Congress, or an opportunist silence whatever they do. This amendment lays out an alternative path for DSA – defending our core principles publicly, and establishing clear expectations with DSA electeds for the future without any hasty or damaging expulsions. 

Consensus Resolution Amendment O: Run DSA Candidates for School Boards

(Amendment to CR #6 National Electoral Committee) 

➪ from Groundwork

Affirms DSAʼs stance for  trans and LGBT+  rights; commits DSA to running candidates in school board races; establishes a new subcommittee of the NEC, a school board working group.

R&R comment: Good intention, but we feel this may make more sense if it is decided locally, and integrated into chaptersʼ work on a case-by-case basis.  Our concern with this amendment isnʼt an opposition to the tactic of running DSA candidates for school board elections. Education has become an important battleground that socialists should engage in. However,  we donʼt believe the amendment sufficiently outlines the socialist principles, politics, and strategies that are necessary for successfully using school boards as a public platform for growing the socialist movement. 

The subcommittee this amendment calls for is tasked with coordinating and sharing resources between chapters, but thereʼs no mention of the key questions such a committee will face, including should we run openly as socialists, how to put forward class-struggle messaging in school board races, and how to link school board races to DSAʼs other projects. This is reflective of an overly organizational approach to primarily political questions. It runs the risk of supporting unstrategic candidates that donʼt clearly or effectively further our goals. If DSA is going to commit to engaging in school board elections, then it needs to be done as part of a broader class-struggle orientation to our electoral work.

Nevertheless, we support the tactic of opposing the far right by orienting to school board elections as part of our electoral strategy, and agree school boards can be an important site of struggle. If the amendment passes at the convention, we hope that the subcommittee is able to make headway into developing some of the lessons we think are crucial for successful interventions in public education. But we worry this proposal will not be implemented in a way that is the best use of DSAʼs resources. 

Consensus Resolution Amendment P: Towards a Party-Like Electoral Strategy

(Amendment to CR #6 National Electoral Committee) 

➪ from R&R + MUG

Establishes concrete steps towards independence from the Democratic Party that DSA can immediately start to implement (including when running candidates on the Democratic ballot line). Establishes clear red lines that are a minimum requirement for any DSA elected to not cross and lays out a process for how DSA will address violations of these principles.Sets additional concrete expectations for  candidates and electeds who commit to represent DSA.

R&R comment: A great amendment – we co-authored it!  Draws inspiration from the New York City 1-2-3-4 resolution (that did not pass) and similar recent resolutions in Seattle (ABC) and Portland, OR, (which both passed).

This amendment aims to bring together the efforts of comrades who actually want to see a break from the Democrats happen in the not too distant future, whether they support a (dirty) break, a party surrogate. It does not force any changes to our electoral strategy, or retroactively undo any existing relations, but it establishes the tools to build toward representatives that are more than just endorsed candidates, but comrades in elected office who accept a different level of accountability, transparency and commitment to build the socialist movement and use their positions to promote the struggles of working-class and oppressed people. 

Consensus Resolution #7: Multiracial Organizing Committee: Recommitment to Multiracial Organizing

Continue the work of the Multiracial Organizing Committee

R&R comment: We strongly agree that a key priority for DSA is building a stronger base among workers of color and developing leaders of color. However, we worry that this proposal lacks a balance sheet, political orientation, or analysis of our current conditions. We believe DSA can engage in multiracial organizing best by adopting ambitious socialist campaigns which aim to address the problems People of Color face in the US, along with the kind of proactive, intentional organizing within DSA that the Multiracial Organizing Committee has begun. 

Consensus Resolution #8: YDSA: Young Democratic Socialists of America Consensus Resolution

Voting recommendation: Move to refer the motion to the National Political Committee or abstain

Description of resources for YDSA and collaboration between YDSA and DSA. 

R&R comment: We feel this lacks the political inspiration for how DSA can support concrete YDSA campaigns and organizing. 

III. Member Submitted Resolutions

Summary and R&R Comment

Member-Submitted Resolution #1: Accountable National Commissions 

➪ from Advance DSA

Demands that all National Committees need to be re-authorized by future Conventions – or be disbanded. 

R&R comment: We should not take the time of future Conventions to make re-authorization decisions. This should be done by the NPC. If members disagree with a NPC decision re-authorizing or disbanding a National Commission they can then move a resolution on that specific area of controversy for the National Convention to decide on. But it is a bad use of the limited time of the Convention to review the status of every National Commission when the NPC can do that in most cases.

Member-Submitted Resolution #2: Defend Democracy through Political Independence 

➪ from B&R

Prepares the ground for an independent campaign of DSA in the 2024 electoral cycle. Encourages DSA to be part of campaigns for democracy with an emphasis on political independence. Makes any endorsement for a presidential candidate dependent on a vote of all members of DSA. Has an element of holding elected officials accountable to support our DSA 2024 strategy.

R&R comment: This resolution is a good step toward a positive vision for the 2024 campaigns. The part of holding DSA elected officials accountable to represent the DSA 2024 campaign, while pointing in the right direction,  is very limited. The amendment would be significantly strengthened by also passing Amendment  P (Toward a Party-like Electoral Strategy) and Amendment M (No endorsement for Joe Biden).

Member-Submitted Resolution #3: Resolution on Full-time

National Chairs 

➪ from Advance DSA + B&R

Establish two full-time salaried political leaders as National Co-Chairs

R&R comment: This is an important step towards making national DSA more effective and providing more democratic control by our elected national leadership. As a democratic membership organization it is crucial that our elected leaders run the national organization. But currently the reality is that is not happening. Instead the national organization is run by paid staff who the NPC has not been able to sufficiently oversee. We need to correct that by freeing up our elected national leadership, starting with the National Co-chairs to work full time for DSA. The resolution also assigns important political responsibilities to the National Co-chairs, such as visiting chapters, major strikes, and campaigns, and speaking publicly to the media, unions, and politicians on behalf of DSA. It also provides more oversight of the National Director by making the National Director directly accountable to the full time National Co-chairs who would work with the National Director on a day to day basis

Member-Submitted Resolution Amendment A: Amendment for

Convention-Elected Co-Chairs (Amendment to MSR #3 (Full-Time Chairs)) 

➪ f rom B&R

Elect the National Co-Chairs by the Convention

R&R comment: It guarantees more oversight and accountability if the NPC elects and can remove the Co-Chairs than if the Convention does this. If there is a conflict between the Co-Chairs and the NPC, it is preferable that the Co-Chairs are elected by the NPC and can be recalled by it. If the Convention elects the Co-Chairs, they can claim an equal democratic mandate as the NPC.

Member-Submitted Resolution Amendment B: Amendment for National,

Electoral, and Labor Chairs (Amendment to MSR #3 (Full-Time Chairs))

Three instead of two Co-Chairs; NPC appoints them.

Member-Submitted Resolution #4: Democratize DSA 2023

➪ from SMC

Companion resolution to the Constitutional amendment Democratize DSA 2023

R&R comment: We support both the constitutional amendment and this resolution, which will help ensure the amendment is implemented in the right way.

Member-Submitted Resolution Amendment C: Conducting the vacancy

election using regions (Amendment to MSR #4 (Democratize DSA 2023)) 

➪ from SMC

Electing members of the enlarged (51) NPC in regions.

R&R comment: We feel it is better to elect people on a political basis than a regional one. If the best leaders are primarily from one region, that is a sign DSA should work harder to expand our organizational influence geographically and we will be most effective in achieving that if we elect the most capable leadership available (regardless of the region they live in) to help make that happen.

Member-Submitted Resolution Amendment D: Direct Election of the SC by

the Convention in the Vacancy Election (Amendment to MSR #4 (Democratize

DSA 2023))

Elect Steering Committee by Convention.

R&R comment: Better to have more control and oversight by the NPC over the SC than giving the SC the authority of the Convention.

Member-Submitted Resolution #5: DSA Organizing for Pandemic Justice

Lays out a health care program to deal with Covid 19 on an ongoing basis. 

R&R comment: Good demands next to proposals that sound too restrictive. We would have supported a Yes vote if the resolution had been scaled down, especially in terms of the requirements for DSA activities, but do not feel this is the most effective use of DSA resources.

Member-Submitted Resolution #6: End National Harassment

and Grievance Officer Contract and Make the Role a Staff

Position

➪ from LSC

End contract with PB solutions; establish staff position to do the work.

R&R comment: A positive step towards greater democracy and better use of our resources. 

Member-Submitted Resolution Amendment E: Amendment to End National

Harassment and Grievance Officer Contract and Make the Role a Staff

Position (MSR #6)

Amendment delays terminating the contract with PB solutions. It also leaves open the question of whether to replace them with a staff position or to again contract with an outside consultant.

R&R comment: We feel it is a mistake to leave so much of the resolution implementation up to interpretation by the NPC, as this amendment would do. 

Member-Submitted Resolution #7: Fair NPC Elections 

➪ from Advance DSA

Prohibits national working groups and committees from promoting candidates for the NPC.

R&R comment: Makes sense.

Member-Submitted Resolution #8: For a Political, Prolific and Democratic DSA Editorial Board 

➪ from MUG, endorsed by B&R, R&R and others 

Strengthening DSAʼs printed media, establishing a political editorial board.

R&R comment: R&R endorsed this resolution and strongly supports it. It will help to develop internal and external communication and politicize the discussions within DSA and expand our political presence.

Member-Submitted Resolution #9: Hybrid Format for DSA Conventions

Requires that all future DSA Conventions be held in a hybrid or fully virtual format.

R&R comment: There are arguments for hybrid and virtual conventions, but also for in person only conventions which allow a deeper exchange and coming together of the organization. This resolution would restrict our options and ability to decide which format makes the most sense on each occasion.

Member-Submitted Resolution #10: Launch a Democracy Commission for DSA 

➪ from B&R

Establish a multi-tendency commission of 21 members to come up with proposals on how to change DSAʼs bylaws and constitution based on studying the practices of other Left parties and working class organizations internationally.

R&R comment: This is an attempt to create more buy-in from different tendencies within DSA for improvements to our democratic functioning. While we believe it is important to pass as many democratic reforms as possible at this Convention, we also support this sensible proposal to prepare the way for further structural changes in DSA at the 2025 Convention.

Member-Submitted Resolution #11: Make Bud DSAʼs Official Mascot

Establish Bud as DSA mascot. 

R&R comment: We should not spend the extremely limited Convention time on this.

Member-Submitted Resolution #12: Make DSA an Anti-Zionist Organization in Principle and Praxis 

➪ from BDS working group

Resolution to affirm solidarity with the Palestinian struggle. This resolution makes “full” support for BDS and a broadly defined anti-Zionism a requirement for DSA to endorse candidates. It includes expulsions of existing members if they consistently and publicly oppose BDS. 

R&R comment: There is good reason to affirm the key question of solidarity with the Palestinian struggle. In the “Bowman affair” the outgoing NPC did not censure the DSA Congressmember for supporting the Israeli military and instead took undemocratic administrative measures against the BDS Working Group and its leadership at a time when they were at the forefront of criticizing Bowman and the NPC. We were outspoken in opposition to the NPC undemocratically silencing oppositional voices like the BDS Working Group and have strongly argued that Bowman crossed a red line by voting to fund the Israeli military (see Consensus Resolution Amendment N: On the votes of DSA Congressmembers to fund the Israeli military and ban a railway workers strike). 

We believe DSA should be on the forefront of the struggle for justice for Palestinians, against the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and siege of Gaza, and against the systemic oppression of Palestinians within Israel. We believe DSA has a vital role to play in ending US military aid to Israel.

However, the language in this resolution is too broad in our view. It includes an expulsion process for members who publicly oppose BDS. While we agree with a more rigorous approach toward expectations for elected officials, we support a vigorous democracy, discussion, and debate in DSA on the membership level. 

The question of how to relate to Palestine and Israel is heavily controversial in US society and used to drive a wedge in our movements. Pro-Palestinian struggles are defamed as anti-semitic, while real anti-semitism – which needs to be fought very clearly – is rampant. In this atmosphere we need to stand unapologetically for Palestinian democratic rights, and be patient and explanatory, even open to discussion and debate among our membership about how to address these questions. 

In developing our position on this resolution, we had the chance to talk with comrades from the BDS working group, and we appreciate the open, honest, comradely discussion. It was clear that, for the working group, “full” support for BDS as a basis for electoral endorsements would rule out endorsements for candidates like Bernie Sanders, and even endorsements for people who support all the public boycott campaigns of BDS against corporations benefiting from the occupation in the West Bank, but who do not also support a boycott of all Israeli artists, scientists and all Israeli corporations.  In our view, discussion about these tactics of the BDS movement can and should be part of a healthy debate about the way forward for Palestinian liberation. 

In our view there are red lines. DSA representatives voting to fund the Israeli military crosses the line. However, the resolution draws a much narrower red line as full support for BDS which we  do not agree with.

Member-Submitted Resolution Amendment F: Amendment to Make DSA an Anti-Zionist Organization in Principle and Praxis (MSR #12)

Removes the language about expulsion of members. Removes the language banning endorsement of candidates who do not fully support BDS, replacing it by saying that endorsements should “consider” candidates stances on questions like “full and public support for BDS.”  

R&R comment:  The Whereas Clauses added (technically nothing the Convention votes on) present a more balanced view on Bowmanʼs violation of our principles when voting for the military aid for Israel while acknowledging his latest actions in support of Palestinian liberation. 

The BDS Working Group strongly opposes this amendment, but we believe it could help us to reaffirm DSAʼs commitment toward Palestinian liberation.

If this amendment passes, we recommend a YES vote on the amended resolution. 

Member-Submitted Resolution #13: National Advisory Committee
➪ from Advance DSA

Establishes a National Advisory Committee of delegates, elected by Convention delegates. Does not require a constitution or by-law change, so can be passed by a simple majority vote (although it also is only an advisory body with no decision making power).

R&R comment: This resolution is redundant if the Big NPC or NDC resolutions pass, but is not bad as a backup if both fail. The actual function of an advisory committee would be limited, but it would allow for disagreement and discussion to appear before the membership. If the Constitution & Bylaw Changes do not pass, this can be a backup.

Member-Submitted Resolution #14: Resolution On the Defense of Immigrants and Refugees

Confirms the existence of the National Immigrants Rights Working Group (IRWG).

R&R comment: The incoming NPC should sort out these questions, not the Convention.

Member-Submitted Resolution #15: Overturn the NPC Decision to Suspend the Steering Committee of the BDS and Palestine Solidarity WG 

➪ from BDS working group

“Be it resolved, the Convention reconsiders the suspension of the BDS WG Steering Committee, as initiated by the NPC, and declares the suspension to be null and void due to the substantive procedural errors that deprived members of their rights under the DSA Constitution, Bylaws, and Convention resolutions.”

R&R comment: After DSAʼs Congressmember  Jamaal Bowman voted for massive funding for the Israeli military, the outgoing NPC did not take any measures against Bowman, but tried to de-charter the BDS Working Group, the group in DSA that most vocally critiqued Bowman. This was accompanied by an undemocratic measure to suspend the leadership of the working group. The NPCʼs actions were politically wrong, stifling debate in DSA, and undermining our standing as an anti-imperialist, pro-Palestinian force. This needs to be corrected. 

 While we have substantial disagreements with the political approach of the BDS Working Group, as demonstrated by their recent tweets, we feel these disagreements should be litigated in a public, democratic way, which respects their right to participate as full members of DSA.

Member-Submitted Resolution #16: Renew the National Activist Conference 

➪ from B&R, endorsed by R&R

Our Constitution declares that there should be an Activist Conference every second year, in the years without a National Convention. The NPC has  failed to implement that. This resolution instructs the new NPC to organize a DSA Activist Conference in 2024.

R&R comment: DSA urgently needs to reinstate the bi-annual Activist Conference to increase the discussions, exchange, education, and democracy in DSA.

Member-Submitted Resolution #17: Strengthening Democracy by Strengthening DSAʼs Elected Leadership (Stipends for NPC members)
➪ from R&R + MUG

“Be it resolved, all members of the NPC will be offered a monthly stipend of at least $1,500. The full amount will also be offered to each of the 2 YDSA representatives on the NPC.”

R&R comment: The current situation is that the NPC has not been a very functional body and the national staff play a large role in directing DSA’s work. To address this it is important we empower the democratically elected NPC so that they have the time and resources to oversee the work of the staff and take the main decisions about the direction of the organization in between Conventions. Providing stipends to the NPC members would be a small, but important, step towards a more functional and effective NPC and a step forward for democracy in DSA.

If the Convention votes to expand the NPC to 51 members the authors will withdraw this resolution, as it was intended to provide stipends for the members of the 17 member NPC. The proposal to expand the NPC would also expand the NPC Steering Committee (SC) from five to 13 members. Under current DSA policy (established by the 2021 Convention) the SC members are paid a monthly stipend, and this would apply to all 13 of the newly enlarged SC.

Member-Submitted Resolution #18: Uniting Against the Ultra-Right 

➪ from North Star

DSA will prioritize fighting the far right  as part of a multi-class popular front around the Democratic Party.

R&R comment: A one sided approach to fighting the far right which calls for “uniting democratic socialists, progressives and all those willing to build towards a majority which can defeat this threat.” A huge problem in fighting the far right and for example Trump is the lack of a socialist alternative to Trump and Biden. 

Fighting the far right needs to involve broad united fronts – and it needs to involve bold socialist initiatives, independent and clear in offering a socialist alternative to the far right and to liberal politics.

Member-Submitted Resolution #19: Wage Equity for All and a Living Wage for Social Security

Wants us to center the struggle for a living wage and social security.

R&R comment: We struggled to understand the intention of the resolution.

Member-Submitted Resolution #20: Winning the Battle for Democracy 

➪ from MUG

This proposal aims to center all efforts of DSA to fight capitalism under the demand for a new Constitution; “establish[ing] a genuinely democratic republic is DSAʼs central task.”
It concludes: “In every corner of the country, from the picket line to the halls of Congress, it is our duty as socialists to fight the Constitution and demand a new republic. DSA declares that, in preparation for the Third American Revolution, to be a socialist in this country is to be an enemy of the US Constitution.”

R&R comment: This is important to MUG, with whom we closely collaborate in DSA. We welcome their revolutionary spirit, but donʼt share their fixation with the US constitution and do not believe that a battle around laws and legal documents, even important ones, should, or could be, at this point in time the overarching focus of working-class struggle. 

In our view, the overarching goal in “every corner of the country, from the picket line to the halls of Congress, it is our duty as socialists” is to unveil the true social relations, hidden by law, by ideology, by so called free contracts and unwritten habits. The actual social relations that Marxists seek to make explicit and visible is the reality of the class war between the ruling, capitalist class and the working class internationally. A class conscious working class would need to link its resistance against the ruling class and its state in the struggle for its day to day interests (reforms) with the goal of an international, democratic, socialist transformation of society. We want to change the property relations in society and end the existence of classes, once and for all.  

The over-focus on the constitution is intended to highlight the structure of our government. But by focusing on the written constitution, and the process of writing a new one, rather than the material class relations embodied in every structure of government, this focus distracts from revolutionary organizing. 

While we agree DSAʼs messaging should be unified around a strong vision for a socialist future which would inevitably entail a break with the current constitutional order in the US, we do not believe a focus on creating a new constitution is an effective way at this point in time to rally the working class into struggle.

IV. Platform Amendments

Summary and R&R Comment

Platform Change #1: Platform Amendment: Railroad public ownership text for “Economic Justice” and “Green New Deal”

Introduces and emphasizes the need to take the railroads into public ownership to DSAʼs platform.

R&R comment: The intention – to popularize public ownership by highlighting its impact on one industry – is great. The fact that workers in that industry demand it themselves is fantastic .

However, the section in DSAʼs platform about public ownership describes the fundamental changes needed on an economic level to break with capitalism. Unfortunately, the way the amendment implements the public ownership of the railroads makes the overall description of the rupture with capitalism that we need on an economic level less clear and muddies the water.  

Still, we call to vote yes to emphasize the need for public ownership.

V. NPC Recommendations

Summary and R&R Comment

NPC Recommendation #1: For Full-Time Political Leadership in DSA (Resolution and Constitution/Bylaws Change)

Enables elected political leadership to be paid so they can focus on leading the organization.

NPC Recommendation #2: Developing an Actionable Plan/Program (Resolution)

After the Convention, the NPC should compile an plan of priorities how to enact the decisions of the Convention

NPC Recommendation #3: Division of Secretary-Treasurer Role (Resolution and Constitution/Bylaws Change)

Separating the role of the treasurer of DSA from the role of the secretary.

NPC Recommendation #4: NPC Steering Committee Roles as Committee Chairs (Resolution and Constitution/Bylaws Change)

SC members are expected to be chairs of national committees.

R&R comment: The workload seems already high for SC members; itʼs more important that they focus on transparency and accountability – thatʼs currently missing – than to add other things to their workload. 

NPC Recommendation #5: Conforming Constitution/Bylaws to DSA Practice and Chapter Pipeline Recommendations (Constitution/Bylaws Amendment)

Codifying the current practice of the organization in the bylaws and Constitution, for example: “chapters” instead of “locals”; also: National Activist Conference “may be” held not “shall be held.”  The National Advisory Committee is eliminated. 

R&R comment: The practical sides of the amendment are already being carried out, but this resolution wants to get rid of the obligation to organize National Activist Conferences every other year. We donʼt agree. 

We believe it has been a failure of previous NPCs to not organize the National Activist Conferences as a way to rally DSA members, build more cohesion, raise the political level within DSA, allow for democratic discussion and debate, and coordinate national campaigns. Rather than removing the requirement for the Activist Conference we support Member-Submitted Resolution #16 (Renew the National Activist Conference).

NPC Recommendation #6: Articles of Incorporation (Resolution)

Adjusting the article of incorporation according to lawyers recommendations.

R&R comment: Sounds reasonable.

NPC Recommendation #7: Recommitment to a National Committee of Grievance Officers (Resolution) 

➪ from NPC & Committee of Harassment and Grievance Officers (CGO)

Reaffirms DSAʼs commitment to Resolution 33 of the 2019 Convention and adjusts some details to facilitate more comrades joining the National Committee of Grievance Officers, to offer to include YDSA comrades in the committee, and further develop Resolution 33.

R&R comment: Sounds reasonable.

NPC Recommendation #8: BDS Working Group to International Committee (Resolution)

Voting recommendation: the Convention should vote to strike this from the agenda. If itʼs added to the agenda, we recommend a NO vote. 

States “that the International Committee will absorb the BDS Working Group, and all further ongoing BDS work, under its own subcommittee.”

R&R comment: Only two weeks before the Convention the NPC released this resolution proposing to dissolve the current BDS Working Group and reorganize their work  within the International Committee (IC). After attempting to do this during the Bowman affair – when the NPC did not take any action to censure Bowman for his support for the Israeli military, but focused on silencing the BDS Working Group which was the loudest voice of opposition to Bowman and the NPC – anyone on the NPC voting for this should have been clear that this will be  understood as  another attempt to silence the BDS group.

We would welcome a recommitment of DSA to the Palestinian struggle and a full debate on how to support the struggle for liberation in Palestine. The recent tweets by the BDS Working Group do not express our political views on how to achieve Palestinian liberation. While the NPC appears to respond to this tweet and other political actions of the BDS Working Group, the recommendation is absolutely silent on these questions and does not make any political argument against the approach of the BDS Working Group. Instead it pretends to be a simple administrative change. This is not an approach that helps us to politically clarify and democratically decide how to best support Palestinian liberation. 

We believe it is the right of the NPC to organize the work of national working groups according to its democratic mandate. However,  it is also the duty of the NPC to aim to find agreement and explore if it is possible to find a joint path forward with comrades where disagreements are well documented. It is the duty of the NPC to go out of its way to foster a democratic culture of debate that welcomes criticisms and political opposition. While the NPC has the right to direct DSA’s political work, it must not appear to silence debate and opposition. 

This rushed recommendation has not been properly discussed and considered throughout DSA. If it is debated at the Convention in such an unprepared manner it will result in an unnecessarily polarized and intense debate. For those reasons we believe it should not be discussed at this Convention.

It is clear to us that the NPC comrades who introduced this resolution had good intentions – to let this question be sorted out by the Convention (the highest decision-making body) rather than the incoming NPC. However, this should have been done in a well developed timeline, allowing all comrades and especially the BDS Working Group to present their views and proposals, and not rush a last ditch effort given the stakes involved. 

Most of all it needs to be done on the basis of clearly putting the real political disagreements and disputes about the message of the BDS Working Group on the table for an open debate. Only on that basis can a genuine  political airing of the different views take place and a clarification of the political approach the majority of DSA supports. Once these political issues are settled we can sort out if DSA’s Palestinian solidarity would be better served if it was organized by another body.