• For a Special DSA Convention in the fall to discuss the current crisis and elect a new NPC
• If the NPC fails to organize a Special Convention, Reform & Revolution proposes that different caucuses work together to organize an Activist Conference in the fall  to discuss the challenges DSA faces.

By Stephan Kimmerle

[Read also the counter arguments to this article: For An Activist Conference, Not a Special Convention]

The bureaucratic crackdown on the BDS/Palestine Working Group by a narrow majority of DSA’s National Political Committee (NPC) – so far only halfway taken back – and several resignations from the NPC mark a significant crisis in DSA. At the core is the question of how to hold elected officials accountable to DSA’s democratically agreed policies. However, it has widened much beyond that. It is now also about how to allow DSA members to hold the NPC – our national leadership – accountable. 

This is taking place against the background of a general lack of direction in DSA since Biden took office and the striking failure of the NPC elected at our last national convention eight months ago to provide an effective lead to our organization of almost 100,000 members.

A Broader Crisis on the Left

At root, the whole US left is struggling with a complicated political situation. While on the positive side there are promising signs of a revival of labor organizing (Starbucks, Amazon, and more), social movements are still in a lull (BLM, reproductive rights, student debt cancellation), and there is widespread political confusion: all the forces trailing the Democrats are in crisis as Biden has failed to deliver even his own limited agenda, and an electoral disaster is looming in the midterms. Biden is now moving to the right, trying to answer Republican criticism. 

The war in Ukraine shifted consciousness further to the right. The capitalist class and its mass media exploited people’s natural sympathies with the Ukrainian people facing a brutal imperialist Russian invasion and channeled them into a pro-NATO, militaristic, and generally pro-imperialist policy shift in the US. Rather than sharply contrast this with a clear socialist alternative, DSA’s elected officials in Congress and Bernie Sanders have mainly trailed the Biden administration’s approach toward Russia, occasionally making limited criticisms.  

In this situation, the NPC – elected in August – has not managed to give the national organization a lead. There has been very little on offer from DSA nationally in terms of national campaigns for chapters to take up or political discussion to help navigate this complicated situation. They only made public statements against US military aid to Israel and criticized Jaamal Bowman’s vote in favor after an uproar of criticism from below in DSA. Even so, the NPC handled the situation in a highly untransparent and undemocratic fashion, and failed to use the crisis to engage in a process of open and democratic discussion within DSA. 

They then greatly compounded these mistakes when a narrow majority of the NPC (the members on the NPC from the Socialist Majority Caucus, the Green New Deal slate, one of the three Bread & Roses members, and an independent member who has since resigned from the NPC) de-chartered the BDS national working group, one of the most prominent voices criticizing their handling of the Bowman affair. 

We oppose the NPC’s undemocratic disbanding of the BDS Working Group. 

Where Bowman Crossed a Red Line

We do have disagreements with how the BDS Working Group acted. We believe they too often raised things in an unconstructive way. Inflammatory language and assertions by the BDS Working Group about the NPC’s ulterior motives didn’t help to clarify the issues. 

Another problem was that various criticisms of Bowman were mixed up without proper distinctions based on clear principles, including by the BDS Working Group. We would want a representative of DSA in Congress to promote DSA’s position on Palestine. However, disagreement on tactical or strategic questions about how to achieve Palestinian liberation can and should be discussed in DSA. Bowman not supporting BDS does not convince us to automatically call for his expulsion. 

Where Bowman crossed a red line – and where we agree that action up to and including an expulsion was justified – was when he voted for (and announced he would continue to vote for in the future) billions of dollars for Israel’s drive to militarily crush the Palestinian struggle against occupation and repression. This was on full display with the Iron Dome vote and its aftermath. How to organize the struggle against imperialism should be discussed inside our ranks. But for a public representative of DSA to vote in favor of and support imperialist policies is fundamentally unacceptable on principle. 

Our problems with the BDS Working Group’s approach, however, do not justify the crackdown, which – if allowed to stand – would have set a dangerous precedent of repressing debate just when it is most needed.

According to the DSA Observer, more than 1,400 comrades signed the appeal to the NPC to rescind those repressive measures.

Under pressure, the NPC rapidly reinstated the BDS Working Group. However, the NPC still has not reversed its decision to ban the leaders of the BDS Working Group from elected positions within DSA. The decision to take disciplinary action against the BDS WG members was arrived at through a process where the NPC acted as prosecutor, judge, and jury, without following any of the usual grievance procedures.

In the wake of all this, 3 of the 16  NPC members have resigned – Austin G and Matt M , as well as Aaron W (who resigned for other reasons).

In this situation, DSA needs a reboot. DSA needs a new leadership with renewed authority to guide the organization through  this complicated situation.

A Pre-Convention Discussion Period and a Special Convention 

Therefore, Reform & Revolution is calling for a special convention to discuss the current crisis, work out a way forward, and to elect a new NPC to serve until the regular in-person convention in summer 2023. We propose that this special convention be held virtually in September or October, to give everybody time to clarify their views on what happened, to prepare the convention well, and come up with good solutions for how to move our big-tent organization forward. (The DSA bylaws say in Article V. National Conventions, Section 2: “Special National Conventions may be called by a three-fourths vote of the National Political Committee or by petition endorsed by Locals representing two-thirds of the membership or by one- half of the membership.”)

If the NPC refuses to organize a special convention, it would be their duty to at least organize an activist conference, to allow comrades to discuss all the different issues and help to bring members together nationwide. (DSA bylaws, Article VII. National Activist Conference, Section 1: “A National Activist Conference shall be held at least once between Conventions in the year in which a Convention is not held.”) 

Unfortunately, the NPC has not taken any action in that direction either. If the NPC refuses to organize a special convention and fails to do their duty to organize an activist conference, Reform & Revolution proposes that the different caucuses of DSA come together to make such an activist conference happen from below (see box).

It’s key that all comrades (especially in this period of crisis) have comradely, democratic discussions in solidarity, without unnecessary polarization, with the full knowledge that all of us need to build DSA together. When disagreements arise, it is even more important that discussions are held with respect for all comrades involved. For online discussions in particular, all comrades are asked to go out of their way to allow a democratic debate by being caring and kind in their disagreements.

Unfortunately, this has not been not the norm. Throughout this conflict accusations of Zionism, racism, and that some NPC members were trying to silence Palestinian voices were too casually thrown about in our view. If comrades feel harmed, they have every right to raise their voice. Too often this is used to moralistically shut down debates. Comrades in DSA need to educate each other in discussions and debate, clear and sometimes sharp in content, but in a form that is marked by respect and solidarity. 

One of the growing pains that we as an organization must go through is learning how to debate with each other in solidarity and hold each other accountable to that. 

This has been one of the biggest failures of the NPC on all the issues mentioned above: There was no attempt to organize a real debate, to give comrades a full chance to hear the different sides, listen and argue, learn and conclude. The NPC had the chance to do that like no other body in our organization, but didn’t. When it came to this critical task, DSA was left without the leadership we needed.

The Tasks for a Special Convention

As outlined above, the crisis in DSA is deeper than just the current questions of Bowman and Palestine. Reform & Revolution believes that all the different aspects of this crisis should be discussed.

1) DSA’s relationship to the Democratic Party

One factor that has influenced the Bowman situation is his (and DSA’s) links to the Democratic Party. Biden and his party have a long tradition of supporting imperialist policies all around the globe, and Bowman was responding to the pressure to continue this tradition. For geostrategic reasons the policies of both big parties in the US are centered on US domination over the oil-rich region, support for dictatorships, and repression of Palestinians. 

In the case of Ukraine, Biden and the Democratic Party are utilizing the genuine popular outcry against Putin’s criminal invasion of Ukraine to push through a thoroughly right-wing policy of NATO expansion, increased militarism, brutal sanctions against the Russian people, and a significant increase in oil and gas production, fracking, and other environmentally destructive policies. 

While DSA had real successes running on the Democratic ballot line in the previous period (when Trump was in power), the downsides of this policy are increasingly coming to the fore now that the Democrats are running the US government. The lack of a clear, visible independence from the Democratic Party machine is dragging us into their crisis, and this dynamic will only become more pronounced as the coming midterm disaster plays out. 

DSA needs to move forward with the strategy of a “dirty break” – a clear commitment to use all campaigns, including electoral campaigns on the Democratic ballot line, to prepare the ground to form a new, mass working-class party. 

DSA needs to make it visible to voters and all working-class people in the US that our politics (toward a rupture with capitalism, for a democratic socialist society) are not just another version of the Democrats’ failed liberalism. The Democrats have deeply disappointed millions of voters, and socialists need to stand out as a clear left-wing opposition to Biden’s pro-capitalist policies. Socialism means fighting to end all forms of exploitation and oppression, not an attempt to merely reorganize them according to the modern needs of corporate America.   

2) Holding elected officials accountable

Again and again over the last 150 years of working-class movements, elected leaders and especially parliamentary representatives have come under huge pressure from the capitalist system. Many of them caved. DSA needs to develop into a strong organization to counter those pressures. 

To hold elected officials accountable, DSA needs to function as a party-like organization to fight for our democratically agreed platform. DSA needs to demand that our elected officials promote the key planks of the DSA platform. DSA can run our own campaigns and activities, using the publicity of elected officials to promote our demands. We need anyone running for office with our support to give a clear agreement that they will be prepared to show up to our town halls to listen to our criticism, clarify their stance, and help us promote the building of DSA. They need to commit to promoting a socialist message in their campaigns and when in office. 

In the end, if DSA is not strong enough to challenge them when needed, we will not be strong enough to hold them accountable. Reform & Revolution believes DSA needs to build toward a democratic socialist party with a highly engaged and politically educated membership.   

3) Democracy within DSA

A number of proposals that would have strengthened democracy in our organization –  like allowing us to recall NPC members, elect the National Director, and more – did not get majority support at the last convention. The recent developments show that these reforms are important for DSA members to be able to be at the center of decision-making when needed. 

Transparency is the first step to accountability. Backroom meetings with Bowman and his staff without notes and agreed-upon minutes – all of that was and is part of our crisis. That needs to change. 

4) A campaigning, activating DSA

This NPC hasn’t been  able to do much to focus the power of almost 100,000 socialists in action. To be fair, it’s not easy to mobilize our members. However, the PRO Act campaign saw real success in doing just that. 

Promises were made, and the convention agreed to a campaign for a Green New Deal, yet not much has happened in the last eight months. It is not clear to us what the staff is doing, but that’s not a criticism of them – it’s the  NPC’s responsibility to move our organization in a direction where the usage of our resources becomes visible and has an impact in the struggle for democratic socialism. 

A special convention should discuss what the top national campaigns should be. These might include a focus on unionization drives (Starbucks, Amazon), defending reproductive rights, or fighting for a Green New Deal, for example. 

Danger of a Split?

Some argue that a special convention would split DSA. We understand this fear and agree that DSA faces a real danger of fragmentation over the next period. Such a development would represent a serious setback for the new socialist movement and is something we are fully opposed to. But the reality is that the danger of DSA being thrown back or even splitting apart is already present without any special convention. 

Trying to keep the organization together without (1) having an open and clear debate over the next six months and (2) having newly elected delegates nationally come together to decide how to solve this crisis – that is a recipe for undermining trust in our own organization. This would only deepen the feelings of comrades who are already experiencing this situation as a top-down undemocratic culture.

Yes, a convention could be messy and acrimonious. Democracy in a big-tent organization also means that our caucus, Reform & Revolution, might not like the outcome.  Nonetheless, the only way for the membership to be able to learn and grow from problems that the socialist movement will inevitably encounter is from testing out ideas and then reviewing them, collectively, and democratically.

The socialist movement will inevitably make mistakes.  Trying to avoid discussing them and just allowing a majority to continue repeating similar mistakes will not help the socialist movement grow from these challenges.  Activists learn the most when there are major events and debates that force us to rethink and review the steps we took, carefully considering the opposing arguments in a debate, and testing out the different ideas in practice.

Our caucus certainly does not want to cause a split in the organization.  It is possible that some people at the convention will be unhappy with its outcome and drop out afterwards.  But not having a convention will not avoid an upheaval. Many members (we don’t know how many) are already dropping out of activity or out of the organization in frustration. 

There is some truth to the impression that some on the left see this crisis as an opportunity to argue that DSA is an obstacle, was never functional, needs to be broken up, or worse. This is not our view. 

We understand that DSA is far from perfect. It’s an initial, imperfect attempt to bring tens of thousands of activists together in a context marked by a historically low level of class struggle, class consciousness, and organization of the broader left and the workers’ movement since the collapse of Stalinism in 1989-1991. But this kind of organization is also a huge chance for all of us to clarify ideas and develop class consciousness in struggle. 

In our view, it’s the task of Marxists to build support in the new socialist movement for revolutionary socialist politics, independence from the Democratic Party, and helping the working class get organized to take power. The best chance that all of us in DSA have is to build our organization in an open, transparent, democratic manner,  where everyone can raise their ideas and try to win support for them. 

This is why we believe that building DSA and defending democracy in DSA are inseparable.  

Trying to stick with an NPC that has lost its credibility (and a number of members) would be damaging to our organization. It would be perceived as an attempt to sweep problems under the rug. 

We call on the NPC and all our comrades in DSA to make clear that when we face serious problems and crises, we put DSA members at the heart of the solution in a democratic process, with organized discussions and debates, and a bottom-up decision-making process.

If we – DSA all together – do not learn how to rely on our members and our self-education in a democratic socialist organization in situations like this, we will not be able to build a lively, powerful force that is able to fight capitalism, imperialism, and all forms of oppression.

Some argue that the remaining NPC members should – as DSA’s bylaws say – appoint replacements for the comrades who resigned from the NPC. Reform & Revolution believes that this would not give the NPC the authority needed to lead DSA, given its actions and inactions over the last eight months. DSA’s current problems were not created by the comrades who resigned or by the BDS Working Group. A much deeper soul-searching has to be on the agenda – with the full involvement and empowerment of our members.

Growing out of this Crisis

We appeal to the remaining NPC members – including those who believe that they did the right things over the last months – to open up such a period of debate, evaluation, and accountability, which would also give them an opportunity to make their case directly to the members on why they did what they did and why they believe this was correct.

Almost 100,000 members joined DSA to fight for democratic socialist policies in the US. That’s still exciting! It’s an opportunity–and it’s a promise. Let’s show in this time of crisis that this organization is different–different from so many organizations on the left that fell prey to bureaucratic actions, where leaders wanted to impose what they think is best on the organization in a top-down fashion. Being different means turning to our members, to a full democratic discussion, and to a full process of accountability that allows us to move forward together, strengthened through comradely debate.

[Read also the counter arguments to this article: For An Activist Conference, Not a Special Convention]

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What can DSA members do if there’s no special convention?

An Activist Conference From Below!

By Ramy Khalil

According to DSA’s bylaws, the NPC is responsible for organizing a National Activist Conference in the year in which a National Convention is not held. While conventions are often full of voting procedures and can feel bureaucratic, an activist conference could focus on political discussion, debate, and education. It could —if the NPC would organize a conference!

I wrote this letter to the NPC on February 14:

Subject: DSA Activist Conference (summer 2022)

Hi NPC comrades!

Thank you for all your work building the socialist movement.

In the DSA national bylaws, Article VII says: 

“A National Activist Conference shall be held at least once between Conventions in the year in which a Convention is not held.”  

We think a 2022 conference in the summer would be a great way to bring DSA activists together to exchange ideas and experiences, educate ourselves, and strengthen the left. 

The NPC could invite speakers to discuss the uptick in labor organizing and DSA’s contributions, Biden’s agenda, our relationship with the Democrats and the looming disaster in  the midterm elections, resistance to the Supreme Court’s threat against Roe v Wade, racial justice, student debt cancelation, the GND, and other pressing issues. An open exchange of experiences between activists in chapters and at-large would help us navigate a complicated period for the left.

We could make an appeal for donations at the conference that could defray the convention costs, especially if the NPC chooses to hold the conference online.

If NPC comrades’ schedules are quite full, the NPC could delegate the bulk of the work of organizing the event to staff and other comrades.

Could you please let us know if the NPC intends to organize an activist conference this year in accordance with the bylaws? I’m a former member of Seattle DSA’s Local Council (steering committee), and I’ve talked about this idea with comrades in Seattle and across the country, and they are excited about it.  We think this should be prioritized in order to educate, activate, and inspire DSA members and recruit new members.

In Solidarity,

Ramy Khalil

Seattle DSA member, Reform & Revolution caucus member

Unfortunately, I received no response, despite reminding the NPC on March 13. 

I believe DSA is in a real mess right now and we need a special convention, as well as a full pre-convention discussion period, so that DSA can change course and elect a new leadership to move us in a new direction. 

If the NPC fails to organize a special convention to elect a new NPC, I believe we still need to debate these issues. If the NPC also fails to organize a National Activist Conference, Reform & Revolution proposes that the different caucuses work together to co-host an activist conference, maybe in September or October, to allow comrades to have a real discussion about how DSA can overcome the current stagnation and impasse. 

What do you think? 

Send your thoughts to info[at]ReformAndRevolution.org

What do you think? Send your thoughts to info[at]ReformAndRevolution.org