by R&R’s Convention Voting Guide
Platform, Resolutions, Secondary Amendments, and Constitution and Bylaw Changes Proposed to the 2021 DSA National Convention
Resources: Resolutions | Platform and Platform Amendments | Constitution and Bylaw Changes | Secondary Amendments to Resolutions | Secondary Amendments to Constitution/Bylaws Changes | Bread & Roses recommendations | Tempest recommendations | Socialist Majority recommendation | Partisan recommendations | CPN recommendations 1 and CPN recommendations 2 (voting guide) | LSC recommendations
Consent Agenda: Proposals with more than ⅔ support on the Delegate Survey have been placed on a consent agenda to be voted on at the beginning of the convention. However, there is for example the proposal to remove resolution 14 from the consent agenda and open a discussion on it. In the first column (“status”) you’ll find which resolutions have been placed in the consent agenda.
Main Business: In that same column (“status”) you’ll also find what’s so far considered to be “main business”. These are the resolutions and amendments that are – so far – planned to be discussed.
The second column is color-coded by the relative importance in our view of discussing the item at the convention (in terms of what we believe helps DSA most to discuss and clarify; it does not mean that other items are unimportant):
| High | Medium | Low |
If something is wrong (links broken etc) or if you want to politically convince us that we are wrong and should change our mind, please contact info@reformandrevolution.org. Thank you!
| Status | Platform | Title | R&R | B&R | Tempest | CPN | Socialist Majority | Partisan | LSC |
| marked as main business | 2nd draft | Proposed DSA Political Platform (Second Draft) | Yes | ||||||
| R&R Comment: If adopted it would be a significant step forward for DSA. If taken up and actively read, discussed, and used within DSA it can be a very helpful tool to develop a more common and conscious understanding of what we are fighting for, as well as help DSA have a higher public profile in various election campaigns and struggles. | |||||||||
| It lays out a good picture of the socialist society we are fighting for. In contrast to the popular (but highly limited) explanation of Bernie Sander and AOC that socialism is basically a dramatic expansion of the welfare state, it correctly argues that socialism is the rule of the working class which establishes a new “social order based on popular control of resources and production, economic planning, equitable distribution, feminism, racial equality and non-oppressive relationships.” | |||||||||
| It has a clear working class framework, locating the multiracial working class as the decisive agent for the struggle for socialism and the emancipation of all people. It boldly stands against social oppressions and links these to a socialist program with a clear class foundation. | |||||||||
| A significant weakness in our view is an underlying reformist strategy to achieve the socialist society envisioned in the platform. R&R comrades proposed three amendments to the platform along these lines that we hope sparks a valuable discussion and debate. The amendments raise | |||||||||
| a) the need for a rupture from capitalism to successfully carry out a socialist transformation of society; | |||||||||
| b) while fighting for every possible democratic reform within the existing US government, our horizons should be a new, socialist, democratic system based on institutions of popular power; and | |||||||||
| c) the struggle for democracy includes a struggle for democracy in working class movements and organizations. | |||||||||
| Another weakness is the approach of the platform draft towards the abolition of the carceral state, which in our view is close to a classical anarchist position. | |||||||||
| Status | Platform | Title | R&R | B&R | Tempest | CPN | Socialist Majority | Partisan | LSC |
| marked as main business | PA #1 | Platform Amendment #1 International Solidarity Amendment text | No | ||||||
| R&R Comment: This amendment replaces the section on “International Solidarity and Immigration Justice” in the platform. While we do not fully agree with the proposal for this section in the platform, this amendment would politically weaken it further. In particular, the amendment would shift the section in the direction of the reformist orientation articulated in Resolution #14 such as when it says “prioritize establishing relationships with mass parties and mass organizations in the Latin American region.” | |||||||||
| Status | Platform | Title | R&R | B&R | Tempest | CPN | Socialist Majority | Partisan | LSC |
| marked as main business | PA #2 | Platform Amendment #2 Green New Deal Amendment text | Yes | ||||||
| R&R Comment: This amendment replaces the section on Green New Deal in the platform. The amendment appears to us as politically consistent with the existing language in the platform. However, the amendment more fully elaborates on these points. It is more explicit in centering the working class. It is more concrete, more developed, and has a more inspiring and far-reaching vision to it than the original. Vote yes. | |||||||||
| Status | Platform | Title | R&R | B&R | Tempest | CPN | Socialist Majority | Partisan | LSC |
| PA #3 | Platform Amendment #3 “Deepening and Strengthening Democracy” – The Need of a Democratic, Socialist Rupture Amendment text | Yes | |||||||
| R&R Comment: Proposed by R&R members. Argues that to establish a democratic socialist society will require a rupture with capitalism, rather than a reformist, step-by-step, gradual transition. | |||||||||
| Status | Platform | Title | R&R | B&R | Tempest | CPN | Socialist Majority | Partisan | LSC |
| PA #4 | Platform Amendment #4 “Deepening and Strengthening Democracy” – Democracy and Transparency in Working Class Movements and Organizations Amendment text | Yes | |||||||
| R&R Comment: Proposed by R&R members. The existing draft of the platform has a strategic focus on the fight for democracy. This amendment would add to that section a critical point that is currently missing – the struggle for democracy includes a struggle for democracy within the organizations of the working class and the Left. Too often, elected officials and top-down bureaucracies within working-class movements and organizations have co-opted movements in ways that the ruling class finds acceptable. This amendment would register that DSA is aware of these pressures towards co-optation that capitalism exerts on representatives of the working class and is committed to struggling to keep socialist and workers leaders under democratic control from below with a membership-centered model of class-struggle politics. | |||||||||
| Status | Platform | Title | R&R | B&R | Tempest | CPN | Socialist Majority | Partisan | LSC |
| PA #5 | Platform Amendment #5 “Deepening and Strengthening Democracy” – Democratic Assemblies in Workplaces, Neighborhoods, and Schools Amendment text | Yes | |||||||
| R&R Comment: Proposed by R&R members. This amendment argues that while we fight for every possible democratic reform within the existing US government, our horizon is for a new, socialist, democratic system based on institutions of popular power. The existing structures of the capitalist state are fundamentally undemocratic – instead a democratic socialist political system should be based on a new mass, direct, participatory democracy in our workplaces, neighborhoods, and schools. | |||||||||
| Status | Platform | Title | R&R | B&R | Tempest | CPN | Socialist Majority | Partisan | LSC |
| marked as main business | PA #6 | Platform Amendment #6 Economic Justice Plank Amendment text | Yes | ||||||
| R&R Comment: Elaborates and highlights the call in the existing platform draft for nationalization of the entire financial sector. It boldly calls for “a unified, democratic, and public banking system that will socialize the fuel of the capitalist system; finance … Realize the foundations laid by capitalism itself and its centralization of finance and rather than breaking up the big banks, bring them under working class control for the benefit of all.” | |||||||||
| Status | Resolutions | Title | R&R | B&R | Tempest | CPN | Socialist Majority | Partisan | LSC |
| marked as main business | #01 | The Defense of Immigrants & Refugees | Yes | No | Critical support | ||||
| marked as main business | #01 ← SAR #01 | Secondary Amendment #1: Amendment to Resolution #1 – Resolution on the Defense of Immigrants and Refugees | Yes | ||||||
| Consent Agenda | #02 | Formation of a Nat’l Cmtee for Reparations to Black People | Yes | Yes | Yes | Critical support | |||
| Consent Agenda | #03 | Empowering DSA’s Mass Abolition Work | Abstain | Yes | Yes | Yes | Yes | ||
| Consent Agenda | #04 | Mass Campaign for Voting Rights | Yes | Yes | Critical support | ||||
| R&R Comment: Correctly argues for building a mass voting rights campaign, although some of the formulations reflect a reformist orientation. For example the first Whereas clause argues “the integrity of the vote is an essential aspect of mass political participation and a necessary precondition to form a mass workers’ party in the US.” | |||||||||
| The political logic here points towards arguing that until democratic rights are won workers should join in coalition with liberal capitalist parties rather than organizing on an independent basis. In fact, many independent mass workers parties have been built under undemocratic or dictatorial conditions. Many international and historical examples could be given, from German Social Democracy in the 19th century to the Brazilian Workers Party in the early 1980s. In no way does that mean we shouldn’t wage a vigorous fight for voting and all democratic rights, but the struggle for independent class politics shouldn’t be postponed until we have won these rights. | |||||||||
| Status | Resolutions | Title | R&R | B&R | Tempest | CPN | Socialist Majority | Partisan | LSC |
| marked as main business | #05 | Building Worker Power to Win DemSoc: A Labor Strategy for DSA 2021-23 | Yes | Yes | Yes | Yes | Yes | ||
| R&R Comment: We believe DSA needs to make labor a top priority. This resolution reflects the work of various DSA tendencies to come up with broadly shared proposals. While we have some political disagreements with the resolution, it sets a generally good course for DSA to develop its labor work in the next period. | |||||||||
| Status | Resolutions | Title | R&R | B&R | Tempest | CPN | Socialist Majority | Partisan | LSC |
| marked as main business | #05 ← SAR #02 | Secondary Amendment #2: Amendment to Resolution #5 – Building Worker Power to Win Democratic Socialism: A Labor Strategy for DSA in 2021-2023 | Yes | No | |||||
| #06 | Tribunes of the People and Democratic Discipline | Yes | Yes | ||||||
| R&R Comment: From Marxist Unity Slate. We agree with the spirit of the resolution, although it is unfortunately put forward in a rigid fashion that would only allow DSA to nationally endorse candidates who meet the criteria laid out. Such a “litmus test” approach is too mechanical to determine if DSA can endorse a candidate. While DSA should strive to convince more and more of its candidates to adopt these recommendations, it should retain tactical flexibility in its endorsements based on concrete political assessments of the strengths and weaknesses of each candidacy and the political context of their campaigns. For example, neither Bernie Sanders or AOC’s previous campaigns would not have met all the criteria here, but it was absolutely correct for DSA to endorse them. | |||||||||
| Status | Resolutions | Title | R&R | B&R | Tempest | CPN | Socialist Majority | Partisan | LSC |
| #07 | A Socialist Slate for the House | Yes | Qualified opposition | ||||||
| R&R Comment: From Marxist Unity Slate. Excellent proposal that would represent a major step forward for DSA’s electoral work, giving it a more distinctly socialist and party-like character. | |||||||||
| Status | Resolutions | Title | R&R | B&R | Tempest | CPN | Socialist Majority | Partisan | LSC |
| #07 ← SAR #03 | Secondary Amendment #3: Amendment to Resolution #7 – A Socialist Slate for the House | Yes | |||||||
| R&R Comment: Amendment responds to criticism that it is too late to carry out for 2022; moves the timeline to 2024. | |||||||||
| Status | Resolutions | Title | R&R | B&R | Tempest | CPN | Socialist Majority | Partisan | LSC |
| marked as main business | #08 | Toward a Mass Party in the US (Electoral Priority) | Yes | Yes | No | Yes | Yes | Qualified opposition | |
| R&R Comment: Proposed by the National Electoral Committee. Reflects the work of various DSA tendencies to come up with broadly shared proposals. While we have some political disagreements with the resolution (some of which are addressed in proposed amendments), it would help DSA to become more of a party-like organization and sets forth a generally positive direction for DSA’s electoral work. | |||||||||
| Status | Resolutions | Title | R&R | B&R | Tempest | CPN | Socialist Majority | Partisan | LSC |
| Withdrawn: #08 ← SAR #04 | Secondary Amendment #4: Amendment to Resolution #8 – Toward a Mass Party in the United States (Electoral Priority) Withdrawn by authors | ||||||||
| marked as main business | #08 ← SAR #05 | Secondary Amendment #5: Amendment to Resolution #8 – Toward a Mass Party in the United States (Electoral Priority) | Yes | Yes | |||||
| R&R Comment: Proposed by a number of Bread & Roses comrades. An excellent amendment which would significantly strengthen R8 by pointing in the direction of a “dirty break” strategy. Pushes back against DSA being attached to running only on the Democratic ballot line and instead situates DSA candidates ballot line as a tactical question tied to our strategy of running class struggle candidates. It incorporates a number of points members of R&R raised in R10 and the Marxist Unity Slate in R6 on what DSA should expect in the message and the role of DSA candidates/electeds. We disagree with the first part of the amendment where it “reject[s] a strategy of capturing the capitalist-controlled Democratic Party or Democratic Party clubs or committees at the local, state, or national level, and instead commit to the project of building a working-class party independent of capitalist influence.” We 100% agree with this objective, but given the actual dynamics currently at play we believe it is an overly rigid approach which would unnecessarily marginalize the radical left from important battles. We explore this question in our comment on the different takes on DSA comrades winning the leadership of the Nevada Democratic Party in two articles R&R and B&R published. | |||||||||
| Status | Resolutions | Title | R&R | B&R | Tempest | CPN | Socialist Majority | Partisan | LSC |
| marked as main business | #08 ← SAR #06 | Secondary Amendment #6: Amendment to Resolution #8 – Toward a Mass Party in the United States (Electoral Priority) | Yes | ||||||
| R&R Comment: Proposed by R&R members. Amends the main electoral resolution R8 on the political message about the Democratic Party DSA expects its candidates to run on that were first raised in R10 (withdrawn in favor of SAR6 so the points can be debated as part of the main electoral resolution). Many advocates in DSA of running on the Democratic ballot line stress it is a purely tactical question. This amendment argues that if it is a tactical question then DSA candidates political message should remain the same regardless of what ballot line they run on (Democratic, socialist, or independent) and lays out the key elements of the principled socialist message we expect from DSA candidates. | |||||||||
| Status | Resolutions | Title | R&R | B&R | Tempest | CPN | Socialist Majority | Partisan | LSC |
| #08 ← SAR #07 | Secondary Amendment #7: Amendment to Resolution #8 – Toward a Mass Party in the United States (Electoral Priority) | Yes | |||||||
| R&R Comment: Proposed by R&R members. Amends the main electoral resolution R8 to run 10 candidates independent of the Democrats in 2022 based on the points that were first raised in R9 (withdrawn in favor of SAR7 so the points can be debated as part of the main electoral resolution). While there are races where DSA will decide it is tactically advantageous to run on the Democratic ballot line, this amendment commits DSA to actively look for 10 races where DSA can run independent of the Democratic ballot line. This does not mean just running in lower profile “non-partisan” races. There are many one-party dominated partisan races in which general elections are routinely uncompetitive due to the low level of support for the other capitalist party in that district. In non-partisan races candidates normally state in their election material their party affiliation (though it does not appear on the ballot). Socialists in these non-partisan races should highlight their membership in DSA and criticize the corporate dominated parties that normally run the office they are running for. | |||||||||
| Status | Resolutions | Title | R&R | B&R | Tempest | CPN | Socialist Majority | Partisan | LSC |
| Withdrawn and replaced by SAR 07 to resolution 8: #9 | Run 10 independent candidates Proposed by R&R members. Withdrawn in favor of SAR7 so the points can be debated as part of the main electoral resolution R8. | ||||||||
| Withdrawn and replaced by SAR 06 to resolution 8: #10 | DSA’ Candidates Political Message re the Dem Party Proposed by R&R members. Withdrawn in favor of SAR6 so the points can be debated as part of the main electoral resolution R8. | ||||||||
| #11 | Campaign for a Democratic Socialist Party | Yes | Full opposition | ||||||
| R&R Comment: Proposed by R&R members. For DSA to start a campaign for a Democratic Socialist Party (DSP). While taking active steps to move towards a DSP, it recognizes that it would be premature for DSA to simply announce itself as that Party. Instead, the campaign would focus on growing DSA to 150,000 members, building support for the idea of a DSP, and forming relationships with other forces to collaborate with for independent working class politics. | |||||||||
| The budget estimate provided goes beyond what was intended. The resolution asks for 2 FT staff, whereas the budget estimate is for 4.3 FT staff. | |||||||||
| Status | Resolutions | Title | R&R | B&R | Tempest | CPN | Socialist Majority | Partisan | LSC |
| Consent Agenda | #12 | Eco-Soc Green New Deal Priority | Yes | Yes | |||||
| #13 | Allow DSA members living abroad to Form Int’l Chapters | Yes | |||||||
| Consent Agenda | #14 | Committing to Int’l Socialist Solidarity | No | No | Yes | Yes | |||
| R&R Comment: Tempest makes the case well against this resolution, writing “there is an assumption in this proposal that we will automatically support the ruling/dominant left parties in Latin American countries with progressive/social democratic leaders or with large working class followings. But in all of the countries in question, there are groups on the left that are organizing in coalition (Brazil), in opposition (Bolivia), or being repressed by (Nicaragua) these parties that this resolution would tie DSA to. This isn’t an argument against meeting and learning from these parties and their experiences, but it would be misguided and premature to make such formal ties between DSA and these parties at this convention, in some cases linking us to parties that are anti-democratic or neo-liberal.” We want DSA to be 100% internationalist – at the forefront of opposing US imperialism, building solidarity with the struggles of working and oppressed people globally, and politically engaging in debates on the international left about how to best overthrow global capitalism. We do not agree with DSA cheerleading the dominant forces on the left in other countries when they are acting against socialist principles. A recent example was the DSA delegation observing the Peruvian elections, which was an excellent initiative. We also agree with DSA supporting the election of Castillo, as the DSA delegation did in their statement. However, we think it was unfortunate that the statement did not also raise, in a respectful and proportional manner, its solidarity with the feminist and LGBTQ movements in Peru given Castillo’s conservative policies regarding these issues. We were even more concerned by the political approach of the recent DSA delegation to Venezuela. We support DSA sending a delegation as a platform to speak out against the US sanctions and imperialist policies of the US government, and to learn from left-wing Latin American parties at this conference. We do not agree with the political message of the DSA delegation supporting Maduro and the Venezuelan government as great examples of socialism given the huge corruption and repression of workers and left activists by that government. | |||||||||
| Status | Resolutions | Title | R&R | B&R | Tempest | CPN | Socialist Majority | Partisan | LSC |
| #15 | Structure of the Int’l Cmtee’s Steering Cmtee | Yes | No | Qualified opposition | |||||
| #16 | Subcmtee Leadership in the Int’l Cmtee | Yes | No | Qualified opposition | |||||
| #17 | Int’lst Principles, Political Education, and Solidarity | Yes | Yes | No | Qualified opposition | ||||
| R&R Comment: This resolution is politically strong. Lays out key political principles that should be the basis for DSA’s internationalism. | |||||||||
| Status | Resolutions | Title | R&R | B&R | Tempest | CPN | Socialist Majority | Partisan | LSC |
| marked as main business | #18 | Int’l Cmtee and Mass Organizing | No | ||||||
| R&R Comment: Opening the IC for all members – good. Giving the IC independent decision making power from the National Political Committee (rather than being accountable to the NPC) – bad. The NPC is democratically elected by the delegates at the DSA national convention. It is the most democratic and authoritative body to represent DSA between its conventions, and it should remain able to oversee DSA’s international work and the ability to make the final decision when needed. | |||||||||
| Status | Resolutions | Title | R&R | B&R | Tempest | CPN | Socialist Majority | Partisan | LSC |
| marked as main business | #18 ← SAR #08 | Secondary Amendment #8: Amendment to Resolution #18 – International Committee and Mass Organizing | Yes | ||||||
| #19 | Amnesty for All, Socialist Int’lsm, and the Right to Stay Home | Yes | Yes | Qualified opposition | |||||
| R&R Comment: Battles around immigrant rights will likely be a key issue during Biden’s presidency. This is a politically strong resolution which will help DSA develop and explain a socialist and working class policy on immigrant rights. | |||||||||
| We appreciate the class standpoint underlying this resolution; its stress on DSA’s role in delineating a distinctly socialist analyses of migration and labor; immediate and full equal rights for all undocument immigrants as opposed to over limited, proceduralized and vague compromises such as “pathways to citizenship;” and its support for “the right of the workers of the world to stay home.” | |||||||||
| Status | Platform | Title | R&R | B&R | Tempest | CPN | Socialist Majority | Partisan | LSC |
| marked as main business | #20 | Building Power in the Tenants’ Movement | No | No | Yes | ||||
| R&R Comment: Tenant organizing and fighting for affordable housing is a vital issue. But we have political disagreements with the approach in this resolution and agree far more with the different housing resolution by the Housing Justice Commission (R21). | |||||||||
| Status | Resolutions | Title | R&R | B&R | Tempest | CPN | Socialist Majority | Partisan | LSC |
| marked as main business | #20 ← SAR #09 | Secondary Amendment #9: Amendment to Resolution #20 – Class Struggle on the Housing Terrain: Building Power in the Tenants’ Movement | No | ||||||
| R&R Comment: Appears to reflect an anarchist approach that we do not agree with. Restricts housing organizing by prohibiting the tactic of lobbying. Restricts the role of DSA staff to administrative tasks rather than having the ability to play a leadership role. | |||||||||
| Status | Resolutions | Title | R&R | B&R | Tempest | CPN | Socialist Majority | Partisan | LSC |
| Consent Agenda | #21 | Prioritizing Tenant Organizing | Yes | Yes | Yes | Critical support | |||
| By the Housing Justice Commission. Politically much stronger than R20, more in line with a Marxist approach. | |||||||||
| #22 | $25/hr Minimum wage | No | Yes | ||||||
| R&R Comment: DSA is active in building a labor movement that can win much higher wages than $15/hr. But we should recognize that there is currently a strong movement and mass support for $15/hr – which would more than double the federal minimum wage. Socialists should be fully part of the real movement of the working class (when it is fighting for progressive demands) and demonstrate how socialist politics are the best way to win those fights, rather than counterposing socialism to the actual struggles that workers are engaging in. | |||||||||
| Status | Resolutions | Title | R&R | B&R | Tempest | CPN | Socialist Majority | Partisan | LSC |
| marked as main business | #23 | Childcare for All | Yes | Qualified opposition | |||||
| R&R Comment: Resolution correctly highlights the huge importance of this issue and its different dimensions. Unfortunately, the resolution focuses on staff to develop policy, whereas it would have been better if it was focused on DSA organizing and building campaigns around the issue. | |||||||||
| Status | Resolutions | Title | R&R | B&R | Tempest | CPN | Socialist Majority | Partisan | LSC |
| marked as main business | #23 ← SAR #10 | Secondary Amendment #10: Amendment to Resolution #23 – Childcare for All | Yes | Critical support | |||||
| R&R Comment: Improves R23 by moving towards a focus on DSA organizing campaigns for universal childcare rather than prioritizing its resources on developing policy. | |||||||||
| Status | Resolutions | Title | R&R | B&R | Tempest | CPN | Socialist Majority | Partisan | LSC |
| Consent Agenda | #24 | Toward Size Inclusivity | Yes | Yes | Yes | ||||
| marked as main business | #25 | National Comms & Tech Policy | Yes | Yes | |||||
| marked as main business | #25 ← SAR #11 | Secondary Amendment #11: Amendment to Resolution #25 – National Communications & Technology Policy | |||||||
| marked as main business | #26 | Developing Independent Organizations & Training Organizers for Emerging Conditions | No | Yes | |||||
| R&R Comment: This resolution calls for DSA to prioritize "boycotts and direct actions” and to study how to “fund and develop local and national worker cooperatives, community land trusts, and other independent institutions." As Marxists, we disagree with these anarchistic and prefigurative politics and instead think DSA’s priority should be raising workers’ consciousness and organization to fight to win structural changes in society such as Medicare for All, social housing, etc using whatever tactics will be most effective. | |||||||||
| Status | Resolutions | Title | R&R | B&R | Tempest | CPN | Socialist Majority | Partisan | LSC |
| marked as main business | #26 ← SAR#12 | Secondary Amendment #12: Amendment to Resolution #26 – Developing Independent Organizations & Training Organizers for Emerging Conditions | No | ||||||
| marked as main business | #27 | Beyond 100K: Building a Mass Socialist Org | Yes | Yes | Yes | Yes | |||
| Comment: Reflects the work of various DSA tendencies to come up with broadly shared proposals for building DSA. | |||||||||
| Status | Resolutions | Title | R&R | B&R | Tempest | CPN | Socialist Majority | Partisan | LSC |
| marked as main business | #27 ← SAR#13 | Secondary Resolution #13: Amendment to Resolution #27 – Beyond 100K: Building a Mass Socialist Organization | Yes | ||||||
| R&R Comment: Nominated for the least necessary amendment. Corrects a minor mistake in the resolution – how many members DSA currently has. | |||||||||
| Status | Resolutions | Title | R&R | B&R | Tempest | CPN | Socialist Majority | Partisan | LSC |
| Consent Agenda | #28 | Building Transformative Justice through a Nat’l Cmtee of Grievance Officers | Yes | Yes | |||||
| marked as main business | #29 | Stipends for NPC Steering Committee members | Yes | Yes | No | No | |||
| R&R Comment: Proposed by Bread & Roses comrades. They explain “the National Political Committee is the highest decision-making body of the organization, and it’s Steering Committee, an elected body of 5 out of the 16 NPC members, takes on the lion’s share of work and day to day decision making. | |||||||||
| NPC members work hard to steer our organization, but they’re still largely isolated from chapters and leaders on the ground. Furthermore, since NPC members are unpaid, they effectively work two full time jobs. We must build an organization that ensures working class people are able to lead our movement, rather than relying on a layer of leaders who already have the time and resources to donate. That’s why Bread & Roses supports a resolution to provide stipends of at least $2000 per month to NPC SC Members.” | |||||||||
| This resolution would be a step forward in developing a more effective, organized, and coherent national leadership which is necessary for DSA to have a bigger impact in US society. | |||||||||
| Status | Resolutions | Title | R&R | B&R | Tempest | CPN | Socialist Majority | Partisan | LSC |
| marked as main business | #30 | Strengthening DSA from the Bottom Up thru National Matching Funds to Hire Staff & Open Offices | Yes | Yes | No | Qualified opposition | |||
| R&R Comment: Proposal from Bread & Roses comrades. They explain “DSA Chapters should be built into permanent and visible hubs of community organizing. Hiring chapter staff can dramatically expand chapters’ capacity for serious day to day organizing work, lessen the administrative burden on volunteer leaders, and help us build a durable presence in our communities.” We agree that such measures would help to improve the level of organization and effectiveness of DSA chapters. | |||||||||
| Status | Resolutions | Title | R&R | B&R | Tempest | CPN | Socialist Majority | Partisan | LSC |
| Consent Agenda | #31 | Making DSA a Multiracial & Anti-Racist Org | Yes | Yes | Critical support | ||||
| Consent Agenda | #32 | Strengthening YDSA | Yes | Yes | No | ||||
| R&R Comment: We agree with this resolution from Bread & Roses comrades to “to Strengthen YDSA” by “giv[ing] YDSA leadership a bigger role in decision-making over its budget, more resources for building up the YDSA Mentor program, and more say over YDSA staffing decisions.” | |||||||||
| Status | Resolutions | Title | R&R | B&R | Tempest | CPN | Socialist Majority | Partisan | LSC |
| Consent Agenda | #33 | Better Compile Resolutions | Yes | Yes | Yes | ||||
| #34 | No Spy Zone | No | No | Yes | |||||
| R&R Comment: We agree with Tempest when they argue “State infiltration is a real threat that no socialist should be naive about. However, this resolution gives DSA carte blanche to expel anyone in the name of protecting our organization from state infiltration. Any socialist organization worth its salt should immediately expel anyone who is found to be working for the state as an infiltrator, but to link that to the distribution of documents amongst members is a dangerous path to follow … Who defines what information is ‘sensitive’? This can and has been weaponized in ways that target people for their political positions and that impacts the political health and democratic culture of an organization.” | |||||||||
| We fully agree that US intelligence agencies, along with ICE, FBI, etc, are fundamentally reactionary organizations that are not on our side and that should be abolished. Any member of DSA who is found to be working for the state as an infiltrator or spy should be expelled. However, we disagree with the premise that anyone who is employed by these agencies is by definition ineligible for DSA membership. While the vast majority of the employees of such agencies are not socialists, a small minority can be won to the left and can play an outsized role in the struggle against state repression. Examples include Edward Snowden, Chelsea Manning, Daniel Ellsberg, and Philip Agee. We expect that there will be more dissidents within these agencies, and DSA should welcome those rebels joining us in the fight for socialism. | |||||||||
| Status | Resolutions | Title | R&R | B&R | Tempest | CPN | Socialist Majority | Partisan | LSC |
| Consent Agenda | #35 | Spanish Translation & Bilingual Organizing | Yes | Yes | Qualified opposition | ||||
| marked as main business | #36 | Prioritizing Working-Class Latino Organizing in DSA | Yes | No | Yes | Critical support | |||
| Consent Agenda | #37 | M4A Cmtee Convention Recommendations | Yes | Qualified opposition | |||||
| marked as main business | #38 | A Socialist Horizon | Yes | Yes | No | Critical support | |||
| R&R Comment: From Tempest. We agree with much of the spirit of the resolution, although it is unfortunately put forward in a rigid fashion that would only allow DSA to nationally endorse candidates who meet the criteria laid out. Such a “litmus test” approach is too mechanical to determine if DSA can endorse a candidate. While DSA should strive to convince more and more of its candidates to adopt these recommendations, it should retain tactical flexibility in its endorsements based on concrete political assessments of the strengths and weaknesses of each candidacy and the political context of their campaigns. For example, neither Bernie Sanders or AOC’s previous campaigns would not have met all the criteria here, but it was absolutely correct for DSA to endorse them. | |||||||||
| Status | Constitution & By-Law Changes | Title | R&R | B&R | Tempest | CPN | Socialist Majority | Partisan | LSC |
| marked as main business | #38 ← SAR #14 | Secondary Amendment #14: Amendment to Resolution #38 – A Socialist Horizon | Yes | No | |||||
| Status | Resolutions | Title | R&R | B&R | Tempest | CPN | Socialist Majority | Partisan | LSC |
| marked as main business | NPC2-R2: State Organization | Commit to building our power and organization at the state level and adopt standardized bylaws for state organizations | Yes | ||||||
| marked as main business | NPC3-R3: Growing Staff Proposal | Establish a multi-year staffing plan based on membership growth goals | Yes | ||||||
| marked as main business | NPC5-R4 | Adopt standardized guidelines for national committees and working groups | Yes | ||||||
| NPC 4 A | Update the national grievance process: Confidentiality During Grievance Process | ||||||||
| NPC 4 B | Update the national grievance process: Retaliation | Yes | |||||||
| NPC 4 C | Update the national grievance process: National v. Chapter Expulsion Procedures | Leaning to yes | |||||||
| NPC 4 D | Update the national grievance process: National Code of Conduct integration with Res. 33 and Chapter Codes of Conduct and Bylaws | Yes | |||||||
| Status | Constitution & By-Law Changes | Title | R&R | B&R | Tempest | CPN | Socialist Majority | Partisan | LSC |
| marked as main business | Bylaw #1 | Strike Regional Requirements for National Conventions | Yes | Unamended: no, amended: yes | Yes | ||||
| marked as main business | Bylaw #1 ← SAC #1 | Secondary Amendment #1: Amendment to Constitution/Bylaws Changes #1 – Strike Regional Requirements for National Conventions | Yes | ||||||
| Bylaw #2 | National Referendum | Yes | Yes | No | Yes | ||||
| marked as main business | Bylaw #3 | Adding Candidate Membership to the NPC | Yes | Yes | Critical support | ||||
| marked as main business | Bylaw #4 | Electing DSA’s National Director | Yes | Yes | No | ||||
| R&R Comment: We agree with Bread & Roses when they write “DSA’s National Director is an important political leadership position, and it should be treated as such. The National Director is in charge of the day-to-day functioning of the organization and has direct control over DSA’s multi-million budget, dozens of staff, and media presence. That’s why Bread & Roses is supporting a change to the DSA Constitution to elect our National Director at convention every two years. | |||||||||
| Winning an election for the Director position from the delegated convention every two years will give the National Director the mandate they need to effectively help lead our organization … Ensuring that the National Director has a vote on the NPC will help allow them to lead politically along with other elected leaders, encourage them to participate actively in important debates over the organization’s policies and practices, and increase transparency of their leadership of national organization.” | |||||||||
| Status | Constitution & By-Law Changes | Title | R&R | B&R | Tempest | CPN | Socialist Majority | Partisan | LSC |
| marked as main business | Bylaw #5 | For a Nat’l Leadership Elected by & Accountable to DSA members | Yes | Yes | No | ||||
| marked as main business | Bylaw #6 | Establishing a National Organizing Committee | No | No | Unamended: Oppose / With Secondary Amendment # 3: No position / With Secondary Amendments #2 and #3: Support | Yes | Qualified opposition | ||
| R&R Comment: Would move DSA towards a federal model by each region electing representatives to the National Organizing Committee. | |||||||||
| Status | Constitution & By-Law Changes | Title | R&R | B&R | Tempest | CPN | Socialist Majority | Partisan | LSC |
| marked as main business | Bylaw #6 ← SAC #2 | Secondary Amendment #2: Amendment to Constitution/Bylaws Changes #6 – Establishing a National Organizing Committee | Yes | ||||||
| marked as main business | Bylaw #6 ← SAC #3 | Secondary Amendment #3: Amendment to Constitution/Bylaws Changes #6 – Establishing a National Organizing Committee | Yes | ||||||
| marked as main business | Bylaw #7 | Hold All Leadership Elections by Single Transferable Vote | No | Qualified opposition | |||||
| marked as main business | Bylaw #8 | Defining the Role of DSA’s National Platform | Yes | Qualified opposition | |||||
| R&R Comment: From Marxist Unity Slate comrades. | |||||||||
| Status | Constitution & By-Law Changes | Title | R&R | B&R | Tempest | CPN | Socialist Majority | Partisan | LSC |
| Should the 4 NPC by-law changes be discussed? | The NPC proposals came too late according to the bylaws. The convention needs to agree to take them up despite that. | Yes | No | ||||||
| marked as main business | NPC1-R1 | Adopt Chapter Affiliation Agreements that standardize the rights and responsibilities of chapters and National DSA | Leaning to yes | ||||||
| marked as main business | NPC4-C2: Expand the Size of the NPC | Expand the Size of the NPC | Yes | ||||||
| marked as main business | NPC6-R5: Articles of Incorporation | Articles of Incorporation | Yes | ||||||
| marked as main business | NPC7-B1: Clean up By-laws and Constitution | Clean up By-laws and Constitution | Yes | ||||||
